The Estonia Page > CultureEstonian Cultural History:
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The first settlements on the territory of Estonia appeared in approximately 7500 B.C., but the ethnic origins of the first settlers is still unknown. This mesolithic, so-called Kunda culture continued to develop until the 4th millennium B.C. In the middle of the 3rd millennium B.C., Estonia was inhabited by Finno-Ugrians, who came to the country from the East, while Baltic tribes arrived from the South. The ancestors of the Baltic Finns, among them Estonians, were a mixture of these two groups. Around the end of the 1st millennium A.D., agricultural development was well underway in the area, and the foundations for the Estonian peasant culture were laid.
The rest of the world was first informed about Estonia by the Arabian geographer Al-Idrisi, in 1154. The social and cultural development of the region had, by the end of the 12th century, not yet attained the level of its nearest neighbours: state and feudal relations were unknown. Until that time, Estonians had successfully repelled Scandinavian and Russian attacks. Estonia (together with Finland, Latvia and Lithuania) was also one of the last territories of Europe where Christianity was relatively unknown.
This was not to remain so for long: in 1206 Estonians were forced to enter a struggle against (mostly German, but also Danish, Swedish and Russian) invaders who had, by this time, already conquered the territory that is now Latvia. A society with practically no social structures had to defend itself against the military machinery of the great mediaeval powers. By 1227, Estonia had been subdued by the Germans and the Danes, which led to the inclusion of the country into the sphere of influence of the Catholic West. The Estonian countryside nevertheless preserved its autochthonous cultural tradition, a source of continuity. Catholic beliefs and rites were combined with local customs in popular usage.
After the conquest, a number of small feudal states were established, as well as nine cities. Four of them were in due course accepted in to the Hanseatic League, a channel of cultural import as well as an economic influence. While the economy grew rapidly, churches, monasteries and fortresses were built all over the country. Cultural life was dominated by Catholic missionary activities, that included the establishment of church schools, building of churches, etc. The development of the local Gothic style occurs during this period. Handicrafts were also influenced by contemporary European taste, since many of the artisans had only recently arrived from Western Europe.
In 1523, the German Reformation movement reached Estonia. The iconoclasticism of the reformers contributed to the internal conflicts of the country, since the cities adopted the reformists' faith, whereas the Catholic faith retained its status in the country. Religious arguments created the need for propagandistic materials, and this, along with the stress of Lutheran teaching on the importance of the written word, might be considered one of the reasons behind the appearance of Estonian printed books around the time. The first book is believed to have already been published in 1525, the first extant one dates from 1535 and is called the Wanradt-Koell Catechism.
The Livonian War (1558-1583) destroyed the old order in the territory, leaving the country in a very bad shape and the Estonian people on the verge of extinction. Continental Estonia was first divided between Sweden and the Rzeczpospolita, although Saaremaa island remained under the control of Denmark until 1645. Relations between Sweden and the Polish-Lithuanian Confederation were tense because of religious conflicts. Tartu, the largest city in Southern Estonia, played the role of a centre for counter-reformation and was also intended to become a foothold for missionary activities directed towards the East. In 1583, a Jesuite college was established in Tartu, a number of Catholic publications in Estonian were also printed and circulated. It is because of this division that two variants of the written language started to emerge: North Estonian (the basis of present-day standard Estonian) and South Estonian. Political instability and long periods of military activity were the cause of the relatively weak influence of Renaissance culture in Estonia.
In 1625, Estonia was reunited as a part of the Swedish Kingdom. Although the mobility of the peasants was somewhat reduced during the period, the state managed to present itself as the defender of all of its subjects against injustice. The so-called Swedish times are also of capital importance in the cultural and educational development of Estonia, since it was under King Gustav Adolf that the first efforts at promoting culture were undertaken by the state: in 1630, the college in Tartu was re-opened, another school was founded in Tallinn in 1631, and in 1632 Tartu University (Academia Gustaviana) was established. From the point of view of native Estonians, the Seminar of Folk School Teachers (founded in 1684) was probably even more important. The network of folk schools created at the time used the Estonian language and, by the end of the Swedish period, almost every parish in the country had its own school for peasant children. The first grammars and dictionaries of the Estonian language were also published during this period. In the arts, the Swedish period was dominated by the Baroque style, the most important specimen of which was the old town of Narva (destroyed in 1944); however, Baroque elements have even penetrated the folk art tradition.
As a result of the Northern War (1700-1721), Estonia was incorporated into the Russian Empire, but the local cultural (as well as economic) life was still dominated by the Baltic Germans. In 1739, the first complete Estonian translation of the Bible appeared and contributed greatly to the formation of the standard Estonian written language on the basis of the North Estonian dialect. The ideas of the Enlightenment also spread among the clergy, that contributed to the wider circulation of non-religious publications in Estonian, where the rate of literacy was relatively high. In 1802, the University of Tartu was reopened and soon became one of the most liberal universities in the Russian Empire; it also had a considerable influence on the cultural life of the Baltic Germans and helped to prepare a break-through in the cultural self-consciousness of the peasant people that was to come in the second half of the century. The reforms of 1816 and 1819 abolished serfdom in Estonia and the personal freedom of the peasants was granted. It is around this time that the first works of genuinely Estonian literature appear.
The period 1860-1880s is usually called "the national awakening" of the Estonians. The immediate and culturally relevant results of this development were the nation-wide circulation of Estonian publications (including the national epic "Kalevipoeg"); massive literacy and the development of the Estonian press (although the first periodical appeared in 1675 and the first Estonian periodical in 1766, the first regular and widely distributed newspapers appeared during the period, from 1857). The national awakening also saw the beginning of several traditions, including the song festivals (from 1869). The first productions in the Estonian theatre date from this period and the first Estonian professional artists appear. In addition, the national awakening brought about a considerable intensification of the social life of the country: on the one hand, there were numerous active local cultural societies, on the other, large-scale actions like the fund-raising campaign for the Aleksander School (higher school of agriculture, intended to work in Estonian). It is important to stress that without local initiative the national awakening would never have resulted in the rise of the Estonian national self-consciousness that gradually ripened into the idea of the Estonian state. An annunciation of the latter, the present blue-black-white state flag was first used during the period as the banner of the Estonian Students' Society.
The achievements of Estonian national culture enabled the nation to survive the period of russification that began in the 1880s. During that time, most social, cultural activities were suppressed and Russian was used by the entire system of education. In addition, a transition to the Russian Orthodox faith was encouraged among the peasants. Nevertheless, the cultural impetus was maintained. In 1888 this was realised in the campaign of collecting Estonian folklore initiated by Jakob Hurt, that materialised as a unique collection. Officially acceptable social activities (e.g. the temperance movement) also tried to transcend its limits and to act as substitutes for cultural societies.
At the turn of the century, after the failure of the russification policy, a new generation of Estonian intellectuals emerged and set new professional standards for cultural development. The slogan proposed by the "Young Estonia" group - "Let us be Estonians, yet become Europeans" - was also a conscious effort to define Estonian culture alongside German culture as a part of the general European cultural stock. It also advocated the development of cultural elite. The "Young Estonia" group played a considerable part in reforming the cultural life of the country and noticeably raised the intellectual level of the public.
The general cultural situation was strongly influenced by the revolution of 1905, after which the possibilities of the national culture were restored, approximately, to those of the national awakening period. In addition, Estonian colleges were established and other cultural institutions gained in solidity: in 1906 both the "Estonia" and the "Vanemuine" theatre companies turned professional, in 1909 the Museum of the Estonian People was founded. The circulation of Estonian newspapers soared and the number of published Estonian books grew very rapidly. One particularly favourable factor for Estonian culture was the increase in the percentage of Estonians among the urban population. Modern arts and trends in literature were gradually imported, Estonian artists and writers were introduced to the centres of arts in Germany and France. Branches of the traditional folk culture either adapted themselves to the needs of the modernising society or began to decline.
During World War I, this rapid development came to an abrupt stop, only to be revitalised again after the February Revolution in Russia, that granted official rights to the Estonian language. Debates in the field of cultural policy were a part of the general political discussion between bourgeois, social democratic and communist parties. The success of the Bolsheviks during and after the October Revolution in Russia encouraged their supporters in Estonia to propose their programme in the spirit of national nihilism.
The victory achieved in the Liberation War in 1920 ensured Estonia of 20 years of independence and relatively stable development. From 1920-1934 the government was based on parliamentary democracy, from 1934-1940 on moderate authoritarianism that increased the intervention of the state in the sphere of culture. Estonia was able to restructure its economy sufficiently quickly, developing extensive trade relations with Western Europe, mainly with the United Kingdom and Germany.
The goal-oriented development of the Estonian national culture as a whole was now possible for the first time due to the newly achieved statehood. The infrastructure of cultural production (the network of schools, theatres, institutions of scientific research, printing houses, community cultural centres, as well as the wireless, etc.) became one of the priorities for the state - a number of important cultural institutions were founded very soon after the proclamation of the Republic. The responsibility for the overall structure was shared between, on the one hand, the state institutions for the organisation of cultural production and its support, and on the other, grassroot level initiatives (societies etc.) that had originated already during the period of the national awakening. Naturally, the Estonian language now acquired the status of the official language of the country and, due to the efforts of the school of "language reformers" who enriched it with material both from dialects and artificially created words, soon became a suitable medium for scientific as well as sophisticated artistic expression. Between 1932 and 1937 the Estonian Encyclopaedia was published in eight volumes, that relied mostly on the work of Estonian scientists from the University of Tartu. In literature and the arts, different trends emerged, representing both echoes of contemporary European styles and efforts at the modification of the peasant, cultural thinking, mostly in the spirit of national romanticism; sometimes the relations between these two trends were antagonistic, sometimes a fusion was attempted.
Estonian sports had also achieved a commendable standard and Estonian sportsmen were able to compete with representatives of the great powers in many fields.
The law on cultural autonomy, passed in 1925, gave the national minorities in Estonia guarantees for the preservation of their national culture.
The secret protocols of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, signed between Germany and the Soviet Union in 1939, included the Republic of Estonia in the sphere of interests of the Soviet Union. Estonia was occupied by the latter in June 1940. This occupation and the subsequent incorporation into the Soviet Union put an end to the integral development of culture: intellectuals were either killed, deported, had to emigrate to the West or forced into collaboration with the new power. The grassroot-level societies were dispersed and a primitive brand of ideologically correct Bolshevist mass culture was advocated.
Between 1941 and 1944 Estonia was, in turn, occupied by Germany, and from 1944 onwards, once more by the Soviet Union. Before Soviet troops managed to enter the country, however, a large number of Estonian intellectuals fled to Sweden and Germany, from where a part of them later moved further to the United States of America, to Canada and Australia. They took with them a virtual structure of the Estonian society, that they immediately started to reconstruct in their new countries of residence. Thus, while in Estonia a new wave of deportations was followed by purges in the Estonian Communist Party, in Sweden, Estonian writers soon established an association that started a small press publishing books by exiled authors. A number of literary periodicals were also started and achieved a considerable circulation.
In the home country, the steep decline continued until the Khrushchev era that reflected on the conditions of culture as well. While ideological pressure, censorship and the like were not abolished, the distancing it from the "personality cult" and the proclaimed politics of peaceful co-existence created an opening that Estonian intellectuals, along with their colleagues in other Soviet-ruled territories, hastened to make the most of. In the Baltic countries this was particularly easy, since Communist ideology had never really acquired any legitimacy in the area and sophisticated "double-think" was the most that the regime had been capable of imposing on the people.
The political development of Central and Eastern European socialist countries since the mid-1980s was a surprise for both outside observers and the various actors involved. In the Baltic Soviet republics, there emerged new social movements that did not merely react to changing external conditions, but were also able to consciously direct the development towards complete political independence. Within the space of a few months, a very large proportion of the indegenous population was involved in political activity, their objectives being largely incompatible with the previously dominant Soviet ideology. In the preparation and initiation of these events, national culture and intellectuals played an important even if controversial role.
In order to fully understand this role, it should not be forgotten that after the incorporation of Estonia into the Soviet Union in 1940, Estonian culture was supposed to follow the ideological standards set by the Communist Party. One of the first major actions of the new cultural policy was the destruction of all literature and pieces of art that were ideologically unfit for the new regime. During the years 1945 to 1956, more than a third of all books published in independent Estonia were removed from libraries and private houses and destroyed. In the war years, the majority of leading artists from all fields of culture escaped to the West. Those intellectuals who had not left the country, were exiled to Siberia, or other distant parts of the Soviet Union, or repressed in other ways. Only a few of them were able to avoid repression - for some time at least - by collaborating with the Soviet power. In February 1950, the 8th Plenary session of the Central Committee of the Estonian Communist Party accused leading Estonian cultural workers of bourgeois nationalism. As a result, the leadership of cultural life was entrusted to Russian-Estonians and other persons who were seen to be politically trustworthy. The results were disastrous: for example, in the period 1945-1964, original Estonian literature published in exile outstripped that published in the home country both in the number of titles and pages.
During the 1960s, the "thaw" initiated by the 20th Congress of the CPSU gradually reached Estonian cultural life. It resulted in a possibility of more autonomous development of culture than had previously been the case. By avoiding explicitly political themes, disguised political opposition could be expressed by means of national culture. Intellectuals were very conscious of their role as the conscience of the society.
It should be noted, however, that censorship was generally more lenient in Estonia and the other two Baltic Soviet republics than it was in other parts of the Soviet Union. The language barrier also functioned as a shield against ideological and/or aesthetic inspection.
Through this development, the prevailing pattern of cultural life in socialism was formed. As in other socialist societies, national culture played a double role: on the one hand, it was supposed to contribute to the legitimisation of the prevailing regime. But on the other hand, culture often reflected criticism and resistance against the same regime. Moreover, the still accessible parts of the national cultural heritage helped in maintaining a sense of historical continuity.
This twofold function was clearly illustrated in the massive Song Festivals, held regularly every five years by amateur singers' organisations. They were able to bring together some 30 000 singers and a public of 300 000 and more, making up a third of all native Estonians. The festivals always opened with songs which had received the official sanction, praising the principles and achievements of socialism. After two days of singing, the singers would not part without a final spontaneous singing of semi-legal songs, expressing the patriotic feelings of Estonians. Amateur cultural activities were well supported by the state, but ideological control of them was more difficult than was the case with professional culture.
The new perestroika policy of course followed the classical Russian model of modernisation from above, being imposed on a largely passive population and relying on traditional authority. In the Baltic republics, however, the people already had experience of political participation and pluralism from the pre-war years. Nationalist values had been preserved and transmitted within families. They were also expressed more covertly in different forms of the national culture.
In 1987, Baltic intellectuals and nationalist activists took advantage of the new leniency of the central power. Several demonstrations against the policy of russification took place. In Estonia, the environmental effects of the planned mining industry were discussed in public, after the public had been informed about the all-Union authorities' plans on 25 February, in a popular television programme. A large and influential environmental movement was born, practically overnight, in the course of this debate, commonly referred to as the Phosphorite War. In August 1987, dissident activists organised a demonstration in the centre of Tallinn. They demanded the publication of the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of 1939, which had led to the division of Eastern Europe between the Soviet Union and the Third Reich. The demonstration is considered an important turning-point in the process of the radicalisation of public opinion.
In September of the same year, the regional newspaper Edasi published an important article by four well-known Estonian social scientists. In the article, they presented a programme for Estonia's economic independence within the Soviet Union. The local communist government was not slow in condemning the proposition; however, it was the focus of wide public debate for more than a year. The Economically Independent Estonia Programme (Isemajandav Eesti) was commonly called IME after the initial letters of its title. But the three letters are also associated with the Estonian word for a miracle - "ime". It was hoped that the programme would bring an immediate solution to many of the most acute problems of society, including the demographic threat posed by Soviet immigration. But later on, it became more and more obvious that the all-Union central apparatus would never allow the programme to be realised. Although, on 27 November 1989, the Soviet parliament finally enacted a formal law allowing the three Baltic Soviet republics to carry out programmes of economic self-management, the decision remained on paper: it was neglected by all the relevant all-Union authorities. Without political independence, or at least more than a merely formal acceptance by the Soviet central organs, the IME programme was doomed to be merely Utopian.
The joint Board Meeting of The Creative Unions (Writers Union, Painters Union, etc.) on 1-2 April 1988, marked the beginning of a new era in domestic politics - or more precisely, a rebirth of politics in the sense of public discussion on socially important issues. The leading intellectuals took an open stand against the leadership of the republic. On that occasion, several of society's problems were addressed for the first time. They were not only concerned with problems in cultural life, such as censorship and the state monopoly of publishing, or the diminishing possibilities of using the Estonian language in the public sphere. Among the problems presented as most serious were the demographic situation of Estonians and the extensive migration from other Soviet republics, the environmental situation, and in general, the deficit of democracy on all levels of Party and state administration. The unions considered it necessary to change the Soviet constitution in a way that would give the Soviet republics sovereignty in decisions on economic and cultural matters. Carrying out the IME programme was considered an important means. Furthermore, a distinction between all-Soviet citizenship and that of the republics was proposed to be decreed. This would have increased the possibility of restricting migration.
The period thus initiated was soon to become known as the Singing Revolution. It was characterised by massive meetings (often culminating in the singing of patriotic songs) and the emergence of new popular movements. The most influential of these was the Popular Front, established in April 1988. It also had the support of some of the local communists who wished to emphasise their liberal and patriotic orientation. As a result, the Popular Front soon gained access to the Estonian-language mass media. In June 1988, the top leaders of the Estonian Communist Party were replaced due to political pressure from the popular movements. After that, the Supreme Soviet of the republic enacted several laws, aimed at strengthening the position of Estonia in relation to the central power. The most important was the Declaration of Sovereignty of the Estonian SSR on 16 November of the same year. It declared the supremacy of national legislation over all-Union legislation, thus reserving for Estonia the right of veto for any future decisions of the central legislative organs. On 18 January 1989, a Language Act was passed. It declared the Estonian language to be the official language of the republic and obliged the state administration to serve citizens both in Estonian and Russian.
Before long, both acts were condemned by the Soviet central authorities as expressing the strivings of small extremist groupings only. The condemnation did not, however, prevent other Soviet republics from adopting similar legal acts later on. This "Parade of Sovereignties", started by the Estonians, was to be the first obvious threat to the political unity of the Soviet Union.
In 1990, the Supreme Soviet of Estonia was elected on a new, multiple-candidate basis. The newly elected parliament stated that the re-establishment of Estonian statehood was its main objective. In March 1991, a referendum was held which confirmed that an independent Estonia was supported by the vast majority of inhabitants. Estonian independence was proclaimed on 20 August, during the rule of Yanayev's "Emergency Committee" in the Soviet Union. On 6 September, Estonian independence was recognised by the Soviet Union.
In 1988, intellectuals posed a serious challenge to the legitimacy of the prevailing system. The issues discussed at the April conference were immediately recognised as carrying great political weight. At the same time, intellectuals were actively engaged in a process of constructing alternative definitions of reality. In Estonia, a new interpretation of the national history was to have a central position.
Even earlier, Estonians had defended their distinct cultural identity and traditions in so far as had been possible. However, the identity they depicted and defended in public was bound to appear in apolitical and ahistorical terms.
Eventually, the situation was to change. Writers like Viivi Luik, Mats Traat, Arvo Valton and Heino Kiik treated, in literary form, the post-war historical experiences: the forceful collectivisation of agriculture, the Stalinist repressions and deportations.
The newly aroused interest in history was another means of constructing a new national identity with an added political dimension. The creation of the Estonian Heritage Society in December 1987 had far-reaching consequences. It stated as its aim the preservation and reconstruction of historical monuments and, more widely, the historical memory of Estonians. In February 1988, the Society launched a collection of personal biographies. On that occasion the cultural situation was depicted as analogous to that of the 19th century, when Estonian nation-building was initiated by intellectuals inspired by a Herderian cultural nationalism. The expression "The Time of Awakening", referring to the same analogy, was often used. A song bearing the same title, by the Estonian song-writer Rene Eespere, became popular among amateur choirs.
But even the pre-war independence period was gradually reinstated. Furthermore, in August and September 1988, after several demonstrations on the subject, the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was published by the Estonian mass media, including the government organ Rahva Hääl. By that time, Estonians were already seriously discussing the possibilities of regaining political sovereignty in some form or other.
On 2 February 1989, the 71st anniversary of the pre-war Estonian state, the Estonian national flag was raised on the tower of the mediaeval parliament building. Less than a year before, public demonstration or mere possession of the same flag had been punishable by law. This act carried a deep symbolic meaning: the communist government of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic paid a moral tribute to the traditions of national independence. The restoration of independence had become the major political aspiration of practically every Estonian. With this as a point of departure, society's problems and goals were defined anew.
Within two weeks of that day, an important new political movement was founded in Estonia - the movement of Estonian Citizens' Committees, which stressed the importance of restoring the pre-war republic with all its laws and political institutions. Gradually the focus of the struggle had moved from the sphere of culture towards more concrete political action.
Traditionally, newspapers and periodicals have played an important role in the everyday life of Estonians. According to a survey in 1984, the average adult inhabitant of Estonia used to read regularly 3 to 4 newspapers and 3 to 4 periodicals. The overall number of newspaper issues per 1000 inhabitants was 470, a relatively high figure by international standards. However, the size of a newspaper was, at that time, typically only four pages.
From 1988, considerable changes took place in the Estonian mass media. On 4 October 1990, GLAVLIT, the official censorship organ, was closed by decree of the Estonian government. However, from 1988, i.e., during the Singing Revolution, censorship was already being gradually abolished in all the Baltic republics. Also the Popular Front movements of Belarus, Moscow and Leningrad, which had no legal status, could publish their material there without any problem.
The new situation brought about a remarkable increase in the number of different newspapers and periodicals in Estonia. In the 1970s and early 1980s, there had constantly been about 160 in number, of which about 50 were officially defined as newspapers. During the years 1988 to 1990, over 400 new magazines or periodicals appeared. Together with their growth in number, the newspapers and journals also grew more radical politically.
After regaining independence, culture underwent de-ideologisation and de-politicalisation. Today, one of the most important tasks of culture is to help people adapt to the changing society, to help individuals to understand themselves better, to discover and cherish basic values in life. Consumers of culture, who are now exposed to unlimited opportunities as to how to spend their free time and money, find themselves in a completely new situation. So do creators of cultural values. In the cultural sphere a new, denationalised structure has evolved. But openness in culture has been accompanied by a powerful onslaught of mass culture. A significant part of our population has become estranged from culture due to financial or other reasons. This has brought about a decline in the number of theatre, concert and cinema visits. Artists are losing the privileged status in society, both socially and financially, that they enjoyed under socialism as a reward for intellectual subservience.
Representatives of the economic sector say openly that the cultural and educational infrastructures have outgrown the country's economic potential. They advocate a cutback in state expenditure on theatres and museums as well as on other cultural establishments and even their closure. Caught up in the competition of the mass media market, cultural publications, first and foremost, tend to lose the battle.
In this situation, it seems expedient and reasonable that the state and local governments be attentive and take care of restructuring in the cultural sphere and pursue a targeted policy aimed at guiding the cultural life towards modes of existence typical of open societies and democracies with less painful experiences. A number of culture-related, important decisions have to be made soon on the status and priority of culture while rebuilding Estonian society. The programmes and documents of the political parties, which won the 1995 election and are members of the ruling coalition, demonstrate their positive determination to support the development and infrastructure of culture in Estonia. Concerning the cultural policy, the basic principles expressed by the Estonian political parties do not differ much. Naturally, the real problem is how these principles are realised in practice, in concrete situations, and how funds from the national budget are distributed.
This fact sheet was published by the Estonian Institute, May, 1997 and is intended to be used for reference purposes. It may be freely used in preparing articles, speeches, broadcasts, etc. No acknowledgement is necessary.